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10.09.2025 09:23
research
THE ROLE OF NGOS IN CLIMATE POLICIES: THE CASE OF TUNISIAThe role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in climate policy and the green transition (conservation of biodiversity, energy transition, climate change) is becoming increasingly important worldwide. This paper examines the contribution of NGOs to drafting and implementing climate policy in Tunisia, engaging in climate negotiation processes and activities, and formulating effectiveness criteria related to climate change lobbying at the local, national, and international levels. First, we show that improved working conditions have a positive effect on NGO involvement in climate change actions. Second, greater professionalism has a substantial effect on Elaboration Resilience 2050, Elaboration of a Low Carbon Economy 2050, and climate change training, whereas the effect of the Conferences of the Parties (COPs) is marginally negatively significant. Third, exclusion from the drafting of government laws is a major determinant of involvement in climate change actions. Fourth, NGOs which cooperate with the government and receive funds from international organizations are more likely to be involved in climate change actions, climate policy, climate negotiations, and NGO projects. Fifth, NGOs working on project implementation do not have sufficient resources to undertake several activities simultaneously. Sixth, budget increases and the number of funding sources seem to be positively correlated to engagement in policy changes/negotiations and the implementation of climate projects.
10.09.2025 09:05
research
“Securing the state” in post-transition Tunisia: performativity of the (authoritarian) neoliberal stateIn this article I adopt the theoretical lens of authoritarian neoliberalism (Bruff 2014; Tansel 2017) coupled with the concept of performativity (Butler 1998; Lister 2018) to analyse post-transition Tunisian security politics. In doing so, I argue that “securing the state” from discursively constructed “threats” such as terrorism, political Islamism and instability can be understood as a performative enactment of statehood in the context of reduced sovereignty associated with neoliberal deregulation as well as a crisis of legitimacy faced by successive post-transition governments in Tunisia. However, performative counterterror discourses and practices are aimed not only at “flexing the muscles” of the state. They also seek to construct moral panic surrounding certain marginalised groups and thus “justify” the roll out of repressive policing of already marginalised communities rather than merely suspected terrorists. This performance is intended to distract from some of the root causes of radicalisation in contemporary Tunisia: economic inequalities and dispossession linked to failed neoliberal deregulation. Thus, through the exploration of the Tunisian case between 2014-2021, I contend we can best understand (in)security in the MENA when adopting an analytical approach bringing together security studies and International Political Economy (IPE).
Maryon
Rosa Maryon
10.09.2025 09:17
research
Italy as a facilitator? Rome and Tunis between domestic and international challengesItaly as a facilitator in Tunisia? The question that opens this thesis encompasses a universe of complexity and ambiguity. Can Italy effectively position itself between Tunisia's internal dynamics and international pressures? Or, behind its apparent neutrality, do Italy’s national interests and strategic considerations blur the line between genuine diplomatic assistance and the protection of its own interests? This thesis intents to explore Italy's role in a context that represents both a challenge and a diplomatic opportunity. The aim is to examine the complexity of the relationships between Italy and Tunisia, influenced by historical factors, contemporary political pressures, and an increasingly unstable Mediterranean. The region, in fact, is not just a physical space, but an area of extraordinary complexity and richness, a crossroads of civilizations, cultures, and political power that has always exerted a strong influence on the nations that border it. Today, this sea represents a geopolitical paradox: it is simultaneously an area of deep crises and a zone of essential connectivity. Climate change, migration crises, energy dynamics, and geopolitical realignments are just some of the challenges that define the present and future of the region. In this complex geopolitical landscape, Italy stands out for its strategic position and its historical role as a bridge between Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. Its geographical location in the heart of the Mediterranean has constantly influenced the power dynamics in the region, giving Italy a unique and complex responsibility in contributing to stability and cooperation among the nations that border this sea. From the Roman era of "Mare Nostrum" to the imperial ambitions of fascism, and through the post-war policies and the Cold War, Italy has sought to assert its influence in the Mediterranean, evolving from passive diplomacy to a more active engagement, especially in the 21st century. Today, Italy must balance its multilateral commitments within the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) with intra-regional relations in the Mediterranean, particularly with Tunisia, as its foreign policy is characterised by the need to address security concerns while simultaneously promoting economic development and regional stability. The recent recalibration of Italy's foreign policy strategy, through initiatives such as the Mattei Plan and the Rome Process, reflects this kind of comprehensive approach to Mediterranean diplomacy, because it integrates security, economic cooperation, and social development.