RESEARCH
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Trump’s visit to China: What really happened
22.05.2026 09:56
researchVenezuela: Popular Sovereignty Versus Liberal DemocracyIn order to evaluate accurately the state of democratic governance during the first years of the Chávez presidency, one must sharpen the distinction between democracy narrowly defined as popular sovereignty versus the more conventional notion of liberal democracy. Venezuela was no longer a liberal democracy in every respect. Instead, it became an extreme case of delegative democracy. The president enjoyed widespread popular support for almost everything he and his followers did, and this fact qualified his government as “democratic” in the narrow sense of popular sovereignty. But the systematic elimination of constraints on presidential action after 1998 increased the risk that Venezuela would cease to be a democracy by any definition in the future. Governability also suffered because the new formulas regulating relations between government and opposition, among branches of government, and between state and civil society were both unstable and far from mutually acceptable. Chávez and his supporters saw themselves as agents of a deliberate and self-conscious revolutionary process and believed that expediency and unilateral impositions of new rules were justified by the need for a radical break with the past. Needless to say, this attitude also condoned a cavalier disregard for the rule of law, extending even to the constitution.
Sovereign Democratic Transformation in Ecuador (2007-2016)Between 1981 and 2007, Ecuador experienced neoliberal reforms coupled with an elite form of democracy. These led to slow growth, upwards redistribution, and political and economic instability. Since then, Ecuador adopted a Citizens’ Revolution to counteract these economic and political forms of domination. This paper advances a few elements of the theoretical understanding of democratic justice inspired by the constitutional vision of Buen Vivir, and their policy applications in reconfiguring the political institutions that shape the state and its international relations. The application in the Citizens’ Revolution movement and historical phase has helped advance the democratization of the Constitution, the Executive, the Legislative, the Judicial system, political rights, the right to life, freedom of expression, national natural resources and investments, external public debt, as well as social rights and the welfare state.
Sovereignty against extractivism. Re-centring decolonisation on Indigenous territorial struggles in BoliviaSince the political crisis that accompanied the presidential elections in October– November 2019, Bolivia has been once again at the centre of debates over the achievements and shortcomings of reforms initiated under the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) party (Valdivia Rivero, 2021). The electoral victory of October 2020 by MAS candidate and former Ministry of Finances Luis Arce represented a decided popular rejection of the reactionary Áñez government, which had been characterised by corruption, violence, repression and a nefarious handling of the Covid- 19 crisis (McNelly, 2021). While this was rightly celebrated by many as the reassertion of a democratically elected mandate, some of the structural contradictions that led to the October 2019 crisis remain. These relate to deep social and political divisions, not only between elites and popular classes, but cutting through popular classes themselves. In this chapter we focus specifically on the tensions and divergences between the two main subaltern political projects articulated in Bolivia in the last decades, and their respective visions with regard to territory and extractivism: the “state- campesino” project put forward primarily by the main rural worker or campesino unions, out of which the MAS emerged; and the “communitarian- Indigenous” project, advanced by Indigenous (indígena and originario) organisations in the country – as well as campesino communities not aligned with unions – today largely opposed to the MAS (Chávez, 2016).
Critical Perspectives on Guyana’s Sovereign Wealth FundGuyana has discovered significant quantities of commercially viable oil offshore the coast of Guyana. In anticipation of this, the Government of Guyana has sought to implement a Sovereign Wealth Fund, which is intended to capture revenues from the oil and gas sector. This Fund, known in Guyana as the Natural Resources Fund, also intends to have, deposited into it, revenues from other extractive industries in Guyana. A number of issues must be examined within the context of Guyana’s macroeconomic stability and the public financial management framework in Guyana. This paper seeks to address these matters. It is divided into three (3) sections: 1. An overview of Sovereign Wealth Funds and Guyana’s proposed Fund; 2. The Fiscal Rule and the Management of the Fund; 3. Critical Perspectives of the Fund. This paper is based on the widely circulated ‘Green Paper’ published by the Ministry of Finance, Government of Guyana.
Secession, Territorial Integrity and (Non)-Sovereignty: Why do Some Separatist Movements in the Caribbean Succeed and Others Fail?Secessionist movements are ubiquitous in the Caribbean, with virtually every multiisland state and territory experiencing centrifugal tendencies. The region thus offers a unique opportunity to examine why some succeed and others fail. By and large, the propensity for secession has not attracted the attention of scholars beyond the region, with small states and territories largely excluded from supposedly ‘global’ analysis on the subject. The article fills this gap by analysing secessionist movements in both sovereign and non-sovereign territories. We find that secession was most likely to occur in the run-up to independence. In the post-colonial period, successes have only occurred among non-sovereign territories—as demonstrated by the fragmentation of the Netherlands Antilles and the administrative separation of St Martin and St Barthélémy from Guadeloupe—which have split from each other while collectively remaining part of a metropolitan state. Non-sovereignty reduces the costs of heterogeneity via the shelter provided by the larger metropolitan power. By analysing hitherto understudied cases, this article thus adds to studies that show how secession is contingent on continued state protections which allow downsizing to occur in an orderly manner, which is in turn consistent with the desire of the international community for geopolitical stability.
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Iceland vs Maldives: The Paradoxes of Countries with “Fragile” SovereigntyIceland and Maldives are two island states with seemingly fully established sovereignty: international recognition, stable governments, clear maritime borders, and membership in key international organizations. However, both states demonstrate what can be called "sovereignty with an Achilles heel": one critical flaw that makes the entire sovereign potential conceptually fragile.
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Malawi’s Peace Policy: The bedrock of a coherent national peace architecture?In November 2017, the government of Malawi launched the country’s first National Peace Policy (NPP) to systematically promote sustainable peace and unity. Malawi already had infrastructures for peace (I4P) that had been developed separately by the state, non-state actors and other stakeholders for various purposes. However, there was no integrated and coherent national peacebuilding framework which was focused on proactive conflict prevention and the promotion of sustainable peace and unity. The outbreak of deadly violence between police and civilians in July 2011 was a major manifestation of shortcomings and failures of the uncoordinated and mainly reactive top-down and bottom-up peace infrastructures established by the state and non-state actors, respectively. In response to the violence, the United Nations’ (UN) preventive diplomacy and facilitation of national dialogue in Malawi helped de-escalate tensions and mitigate conflict risk. This culminated in the development and approval of the NPP. The NPP is a bedrock strategy of a coherent and credible National Peace Architecture (NPA) to serve as the national pillar for peacebuilding. The NPP is being implemented by complementary state and non-state actors working closely with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in compliance with regional, continental and international instruments relating to the NPA. The case of Malawi presents an opportunity for building integrated local, national, regional, continental and international peace architectures.
Contested Sources of Authority: Re-claiming State Sovereignty by Formalizing Traditional Authority in MozambiqueIn Mozambique, the current legal framework institutionalizes a rural–urban differentiation of local governance, allowing for elected representation in thirty-three urban settings and the recognition of ‘community authorities’ in rural areas. This article deals with the latter by exploring the implementation of Decree 15/2000, which is the first legislation in post-colonial Mozambique to formalize ‘traditional authority’. Views of traditional authority as either a ‘genuine’ African form of authority legitimized by traditional beliefs and practices, or as a form of power ‘corrupted’ by colonial rule, are inadequate for understanding the current situation. In formerly war-torn Sussundenga District, kin-based authorities drew on elements from ‘traditional’ and ‘state- administrative’ domains of authority in order to be recognized. Varied definitions of tradition came to justify leadership, but the content on which legitimization was based defies any generalized Weberian dichotomy between traditional and modern/state types of office. Different sources of legitimacy sometimes foregrounded administrative needs and at other times maintained what became defined as traditional.
The 2026 National Defense Strategy by the Numbers. Radical Changes, Moderate Changes, and Some ContinuitiesThe Trump administration presents its new National Defense Strategy (NDS) as a break from previous strategies, including that of the first Trump administration. Out are Russia, Europe, and climate change. In are hemispheric security, “warrior ethos,” and burden shifting. Many changes are indeed substantial, even radical, and reportedly received pushback from military leaders during the drafting process. Others, however, may not be as significant as they first appear, and there is some continuity with previous strategy documents. The document also constitutes a different reading experience, departing from the analytic tone of previous strategy documents and often adopting the tone of a political rally.
Bargaining for Equity at MSVU: From Performativity to TransformationIn this paper, we reflect on our experiences in the Mount Saint Vincent University Faculty Association and our efforts to prioritize decolonizing, indigenizing, and Equity, Diversity, Inclusion, and Accessibility (EDIA) in the collective bargaining process. We examine the performative nature of EDIA efforts in negotiations by university administrators and the Board of Governors, outlining our employer’s active resistance to proposals pertaining to EDIA, their lack of explicit Indigenous and EDIA expertise on their bargaining team, their sidelining and exclusion of university Indigenous and EDIA experts, as well as the absence of transparency and accountability in decision-making. We suggest that three actions — strengthening internal and external solidarity, democratizing governance, and pursuing legislative reform — offer a pathway to rethinking equity-based bargaining, challenging the instrumentalization of EDIA, and achieving genuine structural change.
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The Practice of Archipelagic States: A Study of Studies
19.03.2026 16:02
researchMolinaco, the Comorian Diaspora, and Decolonisation in East Africa’s Indian OceanThe marginal case of the decolonisation of Comoros has gained little attention from historians of Africa. By tracing the evolution of the Mouvement de libération nationale des Comores (MOLINACO) around East Africa’s Indian Ocean basin, this article explores the possibilities and constraints of anticolonial organisation among a diaspora population whose own existence was threatened by the more exclusive political order that emerged from the process of decolonisation. In Tanganyika, Zanzibar, Kenya, and Madagascar, MOLINACO’s activities were shaped and limited by contested issues of racial identity, island genealogy, partisan alignment, and international priorities among both the Comorian diaspora and their ‘host’ governments. Through a transterritorial approach, this article examines the difficulties for minority communities in navigating the transition from empire to nation-state, while also illustrating the challenges MOLINACO faced in its ultimately unsuccessful attempt to impose that same normative model onto the archipelago.
Reflections on Zimbabwe-Zambia Relations in the 21st CenturyThe article explores the changing relationship between Zimbabwe and Zambia in the 21st century, focusing on the intrinsic synergy of political and socio-economic factors. Historically, the diplomatic relationship was hinged in shared colonial experiences and liberation struggles, the bilateral ties between these neighboring countries have been significantly influenced by contemporary governance challenges, economic fluctuations, and regional integration efforts. Dual Theoretical Framework of Realism and Constructivism was adopted as a tool for analysing the interplay between power, interests, norms, and ideas in shaping bilateral relations between the two nations. By analysing key events from the early 2000s, a document review methodology was used to illustrate how Zimbabwe and Zambia navigated their shared interests and challenges in a rapidly changing global landscape. The findings revealed that while historical legacies and domestic issues continue to impact relations, there exists a significant potential for enhanced cooperation through strategic partnerships and regional initiatives. The role of organizations such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) is critical in shaping these dynamics. Ultimately, this article contributes to a deeper understanding of Zimbabwe-Zambia relations, offering insights that are essential for policymakers and stakeholders aiming to foster stability and collaboration in Southern Africa Region.
Sovereignty and Security in the Indian Ocean. Why the UK should not cede the Chagos Islands to MauritiusWhen looking at strategic options for military action in the Indian Ocean – and unimpeded access by sea and air to the bordering countries of the Indian Ocean, from South Africa past Somalia, Yemen, Iran, the Arabian Gulf, Indian sub-continent, Indonesia and Australasia – Diego Garcia is a strategic jewel, possession of which is crucial for security in the region and hence our national security. It allows coverage of the choke points south of the Cape of Good Hope, the Bab-el-Mandeb, Straits of Hormuz and Malacca Straits through which a huge quantity of global trade passes. It is no exaggeration to say that Diego Garcia – the largest of the Chagos Islands – hosts the most strategically important US air and logistics base in the Indian Ocean and is vital to the defence of the UK and our allies. Having visited Diego Garcia twice and utilised it in op-plans and routine deployments of carriers and SSNs, I was delighted to read this paper by Policy Exchange which calls on the Government to cease negotiations with Mauritius about cession of the Chagos Islands.
A different appetite for sovereignty? Independence movements in subnational island jurisdictionsHistory was in the making when the Republic of South Sudan became an independent state on 9 July 2011, was welcomed as the 193rd member of the United Nations (UN) on 14 July, and joined the Africa Union on 28 July. This new country has strong claims to its current status; long struggles to maintain independence from encroaching European powers in the nineteenth century; run for some time as a separate region within the colony of Egypt; fighting two civil wars since the independence of Sudan in 1956; bearing considerable neglect from the central Sudanese government; and approving, by a whopping 98 per cent majority, the decision to secede as a separate state in a January 2011 referendum (voter turnout: 97 per cent). Substantial oil deposits provide considerable economic potential to this nascent sovereign state.
The problem with the Comoros solution: affect, citizenship, statelessness and the Kuwaiti BidoonThe Kuwaiti bidoon are a subset of the nomadic population of Kuwait who have been made stateless, classified as illegal residents and increasingly deprived of social rights through changing classifications by the Kuwaiti government. In 2014, the Kuwaiti government attempted to obtain citizenship in the African island nation of the Comoros for the bidoon, which would have provided them with a route to legal residency. But would this have provided a just resolution to the bidoon‘s situation? We argue that justice for the bidoon must not simply serve to resolve their de jure statelessness; it must, instead, attend to the injuries produced by this status, most importantly the harm caused by continuous rejection of their affective attachment to Kuwait. In dialogue with theories of access to citizenship and political identification with a state, we argue that under certain circumstances, providing citizenship can increase the harm experienced by stateless people, and that only providing recognition of their affective tie to a political community can resolve it.