RESEARCH
The General and the Protectorate: Why the Political Sovereignty of Uganda and Bosnia Are At the same LevelThere are categories in political science that seem self-evident until they are properly gauged. Sovereignty is one of them. We usually share the opinion that States that have gone through war and international tutelage are less sovereign than those that have been governed by a stable central government for decades.
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Greece vs England: The paradox of Partially Dependent SovereigntiesSovereignty in the 21st century has ceased to be a binary "is/is not" category. Two European countries, Greece and the United Kingdom, demonstrate this from opposite sides. Greece formally retains membership in the EU and the eurozone, but its domestic policy has been subordinated to external creditors at a critical moment.
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Censorship should be obsolete by now. Why isn't it?Techies, activists, and academics were in Paris this week to confront the doom scenario of internet shutdowns, developing creative technology and policy solutions to break out of heavily censored environments. The event– SplinterCon– has previously been held globally, from Brussels to Taiwan. I am on the programme committee and delivered a keynote at the inaugural SplinterCon in Montreal on how internet standards must be better designed for censorship circumvention.
Migration Governance in Unsettled Times. How Policymakers Can Plan for Population ChangeA string of populist gains has radically changed both the politics and governance of migration, pushing governments of all stripes toward greater restrictions and reducing the appetite for experimentation. The backlash comes at a particularly fraught time. Advanced economies with aging populations are increasingly reliant on immigrants to sustain their workforces, and more people worldwide are seeking out opportunities to move, whether for work, family, or protection. There is a clear humanitarian imperative to ensure vulnerable populations can access protection through safe and legal channels instead of resorting to dangerous, illicit journeys (from which smugglers are reaping enormous profits). But as public concerns about how population growth could affect the soaring cost of living and as housing pressures have grown, support for even legal immigration has waned. Meanwhile, chaotic scenes at borders and a perception of a loss of control over admissions have prompted quick fixes, at the expense of longer-term, sustainable solutions.
A new direction for students in an AI world: prosper, prepare, protectIn November 2022, OpenAI released its frontier Large Language Model (LL M), ChatGPT. Within five days, ChatGPT had five million users. Within two months, that number swelled to 100 million monthly active users. By August 2025, 700 million users across the globe were using ChatGPT (Mehta 2025). Many of those users are students harnessing LLMs for brainstorming, tutoring, creating, and learning; to work better and faster; and, crucially, to outsource their thinking. 
Why Has Somaliland Not Been Recognised as A Sovereign State?After the collapse of the Somali state, civil war followed, leading people to turn to their ancestral homeland. Consequently, rudimental local administrations were formed with a provision of becoming part of a decentralised governance system in Somalia. However, one region stood differently by declaring itself a separate state, Somaliland, within the boundaries of the former British Somaliland Protectorate. To overcome the objections of African countries about the session, Somaliland claimed that its declaration of independence in 1991 was supposed to be a dissolution of the union rather than a declaration of separation. This idea follows in the footsteps of other failed federations, such as the United Arab Republic, which included Egypt and Syria from 1958 to 1961, or the Senegambia Confederation, which existed between Senegal and the Gambia from 1981 to 1989. These failed political unions symbolized the breakup of that union and the restoration of the protectorate's original, pre-1960 borders. (Gordon, 2023) Britain granted Somaliland independence on June 26 1960, and after four days, it joined with the former UN Italian Somaliland Trusteeship Territory to form the Republic of Somalia. Thus, Somaliland's case differed markedly from the other regions as it wanted to stand as a separate nation-state within Africa. Yet, over thirty years have passed, and Somaliland has not been recognised as a sovereign entity. To answer why it happened, we have to look at the historical factors on state formation in Africa and how newly independent countries treated colonially inherited boundaries.
The Trajectory of Contemporary Governance in Lesotho: A Transition towards Coalition GovernmentThis paper examines the success story of the formation of coalition government in Lesotho. Lesotho has since 1970 experienced a chequered history of authoritarian and military rules until 1993 when the country went democratic. Interestingly, within two decades of the country ’s multiparty democratic experience, it has experimented with multiple governmental systems viz; in 1993 1998, it adopted First Past the Post or winner takes all model, and then in 2001, it adopted Mixed Member Proportion model, which brought some stability within the unitary parliamentary governance. In 2012 the latter model gave impetus to a new model of coalition government. Unfortunately, however, the three-party coalition government was interrupted in 20 14 by a military adventurism which gave rise to the 2015 nap elections that led to another seven-party coalition government. Interestingly, another faction occurred from the seven-party coalition and a vote of no confidence was passed by the opposition against the ruling coalition, which led to the early 2017 elections. The third coalition governance of four parties was established after the elections and took its term of five years before the elections of October 2022 that established a “of three parties coalition under the leadership of a prominent businessman. This paper posits that although coalition model has been accepted by the Lesotho people, however, it has come with increasing cost on executive expenditure, as it puts great burden on taxpayers. This paper recommends the inclusion in the democratic discourse (conversation), a blend of the western democratic culture with traditional African culture in administering the affairs of the state since the two are not mutually exclusive.
Prosecutorial Independence in Lesotho: A Critique of the ModelThe Constitution of Lesotho is substantially cast on the Westminster prototype. As such, its institutions, by and large, reflect the structure of similar institutions at Westminster. The institution of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) is no different: it has been designed to mirror its namesake under the British constitutional design. The underlying feature of classic British-based constitutions is the weak separation of powers and the predominance and condescending nature of the executive branch of government, as incarnated by the office of the Prime Minister. As such, most institutions within the design are beholden to the executive in general and to the Prime Minister in particular. The institution of the DPP is integral in the administration of criminal justice. Hence, its independence and its accountability in the discharge of this important constitutional mandate are of paramount importance. This notwithstanding, the Constitution of Lesotho is generally weak on safeguarding the independence of the office of the DPP and ensuring its corresponding duty of accountability. The purpose of this article is to critique the constitutional design in relation to the office of the DPP and to expose the deficiency of the constitutional clause establishing the Lesotho DPP office. The article contends that while the Constitution, under section 141, provides for some small measure of independence of this office, the broader schematisation of the Constitution is feeble on the independence and accountability of the office. The article analyses the constitutional design of the Lesotho DPP office in comparison with international developments.
A historical context of Lesotho’s integration into the 1910 customs union agreement, 1870s-1910This paper chronicles the historical context of Lesotho’s (then Basutoland) integration into the 1910 Customs Union Agreement. The paper examines the period of colonisation, colonial state-making and integration of Lesotho into the regional market economy that emerged after the discovery of minerals in modern-day South Africa (1870s-1910s). Using historical sources, it explores changing regional politics, conditions, economic formations, and social order in the second half of the nineteenth century. The paper argues that the British’s integration of Lesotho into the customs union must be situated within shifting regional politics and power dynamics of this period. On the one hand, the British integrated the country into the customs union as part of its long-term plan to ultimately incorporate Lesotho into South Africa. Along with colonial tax, the inclusion of Lesotho into the customs union was, at the time, a temporary measure to solve the problems of lack of viable economic options towards financing the colonial administration before the country could finally be incorporated into South Africa. On the other hand, the paper advances that the sequence of events leading to the integration of Lesotho as well as the role that the Basotho played, and their resistance to British imperial policy, contributed significantly in shaping the nature of integration into the customs union in 1910. Due to the Basotho’s history of alliance formation and resistance, the British were forced to cautiously approach the subject of incorporation. As a corollary to this, they had to acknowledge Lesotho as a geopolitical entity while claiming suzerainty and economic control.
Sovereignty, Legitimacy and Fundamental Rights as Limitations to Criminalisation Power of the StateSovereignty is a doctrine of power that constitutes and vests supreme political power in the state, including criminal lawmaking power. However, this supreme power of exercising coercive state power through the criminal law is not unlimited. Because the justifications for sovereignty are also justifications for criminal lawmaking power of the state, they are discussed together. After presenting the justification and legitimacy of sovereignty and the criminal lawmaking power of the sovereign, this article discusses criminalization power of the state in three parts: the limitation inherent in the notion of sovereignty, in constitutionalism and the bill of rights. Finally, it reviews the practice of criminalisation in Ethiopia.
Globalization, sovereignty and Ethiopia in the age of IP creative jurisprudenceIntellectual property (IP), trade, national language (lingua franca), sports and other socio-cultural interventions could be an agency for economic and national unity. This short communication analyses the intersection of contemporary IP international regimes and socio-economic development of a developing economy, using Ethiopia as a case study. The research further analyses the intersection of IP systems of laws and other socio-economic concepts like globalization, human rights, and legal education. Human rights and intellectual property have become a current subject of legal scholarship as evidenced in the recent Marrakesh Treaty signed by more than eighty countries. Recently, Ethiopia entered a multilateral agreement to participate in an e-commerce platform. The implication for Ethiopians could range from exposures to digital creative jurisprudence to full participation in the creative culture of the networked digital era. However, Ethiopia currently does not belong to any major Internet Treaty or intellectual property (IP) Treaty, and this paper seeks to explore the implications for its economic and developmental innovation and creativity policies. Multilateral economic and investment Treaties in this millennium represent manifestations of the impacts of globalization. Sovereign and political rights proponents have raised concerns about the derogation of political and economic capacities of nation-states because of globalization. The protagonists of national sovereignty and constitutional order demand the renegotiation of most of the international socio-economic Treaties. This paper will suggest ways of allaying the suspicions of sovereign dilution, which may be part of raison d'etre for the skepticism towards international economic and developmental Treaty regimes. As a starting point Ethiopia should use the template of its human rights Treaty recognition to sign or accede to international IP Treaties.
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Reforming the Role of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in Advancing Democratic Principles and Human Rights in African Countries: An Examination Using the Lens of Swaziland/eSwatiniThis article explores the role of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the role it plays regarding human rights in individual country situations in Africa. It specifically examines the extent to which it has been able to advance a human rights agenda in countries with long-standing human rights problems. The article uses Swaziland/ eSwatini as a lens to examine the matter, because of the longstanding problems that exist in that country. This is done to indicate how the institution works over time on a country’s human rights problems. The article examines a range of institutional structural matters to establish how these issues affect the role of the Commission in its work. The article examines the way in which the Commission uses its various tools, including its communications, the state reporting processes, fact-finding visits, and resolutions, to determine whether those tools are being used effectively. The article examines how the Commission’s processes issues also affect it work. Issues examined negatively affecting the Commission are examined, including problems with the status of its resolutions and communications, limited compliance with its outcomes, and inadequate state cooperation. Reforms necessary to enhance to role and functions of the Commission are surveyed to determine how the institution could become more effective. The African Union’s (AU) Kagame Report on AU reform is briefly reviewed to examine the limited view and focus of AU reform processes and why AU reform ought to focus on enhancing human rights compliance. The article makes various suggestions on necessary institutional reforms but also as far as the African Commission’s procedures and methods of work to allow it to have a far more effective role in the promotion and protection of human rights on the continent. It is noted that political will by the AU and African states is the largest obstacle to giving the Commission the necessary independence, support and assistance that it needs to play the role in Africa that it should.
Indicators of Sovereign Risk of South Africa’s International Monetary Fund Loan: The Nexus Between Political Risks and Economic GrowthUpon the approval of the 70 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan for South Africa, concerns have emerged over the affordability of this loan and its impact on the economy and sovereignty of the country. South Africa’s ability to pay its IMF loan is assured because its track record of loan repayment is good, considering that the loan is repayable in five years at an interest rate of 1.1%. This study explores political and economic indicators of sovereign risk of South Africa’s IMF loan taken in 2020. The tenets of sovereign risk are being explored in a South African context. The significance of this study lies in understanding sovereign risk from a South African context and forecasting the country’s capacity and sustainability of servicing its IMF debt. This study presents a special and underexplored case of sovereign risk mainly due to 2020 being the first time South Africa has taken an IMF loan since the inception of a democracy in 1994. This qualitative study heavily relies on secondary literature, theories, and predictive forecasting models and is aided by descriptive statistics to reach its conclusion. Findings from the Council of Foreign Relations used the CFR Sovereign risk tracker designed to gauge the susceptibility of emerging economy to default on external debt.
Pro-Democracy Protests in the Kingdom of Eswatini 2018–2019Eswatini (formerly Swaziland) is an absolute monarchy, ruled by King Mswati III (1986–current), who took over from his father, King Sobhuza II (1921–1982). Power is vested in the King and influential ruling elite, who have stakes in the perpetuation of a closed and repressive regime that is known for human rights abuses. The actuation of political parties and civil society is severely constrained not only in law (ban from 1973; and 2008 Suppression of Terrorism Act) but in practice (protesters face high level of repression). Despite facing a very inhospitable political context, groups and citizens have found ways to engage in protest. In the case of Eswatini, trade unions have been the leading protest actors against government policies and advocating for democracy. With a special focus on 2018–2019 protests, this chapter aims to understand the emergence and outcomes of pro-democracy protests in Eswatini.
Independence through leapfrogging: Energy transitions in EswatiniThe need to swiftly transition to clean energy and expand electricity access is pressing; however, the goals of SDG7 are unlikely to be met by 2030, with the UN specifically mentioning land-locked states as being off track. Through the conceptual lens of ‘leapfrogging’ fossil fuels, straight from traditional fuel sources to renewable energy, this paper discusses the relationship between electricity production and independence. It makes a conceptual contribution by introducing the term ‘energy independence through leapfrogging’, which is used to characterise the process of reducing dependency on another country – in the case of Eswatini, electricity is supplied by South Africa. Drawing from empirical research in Eswatini involving document analysis and in-depth interviews, this paper discusses the potential for the country to move from being primarily an importer of electricity to generating its own supply from renewable sources. With Eswatini's current electricity supply from South Africa at risk/expiring in 2025, this research argues that the country faces a moment of opportunity for Eswatini to build further generation capacity, with a recommended focus on solar energy. The paper identifies potential challenges/barriers to this energy transition, examining power generation, storage, maintenance and affordability as key areas for intervention. Drawing on previous theories of electricity access, the paper argues that ‘access’ to electricity requires consideration of the affordability and reliability of energy systems. Eswatini is an understudied geographical area, and this paper makes a contribution to the literature on energy transitions by examining the specific circumstances attending this transition and examining these with relevance for other land-locked nations in sub-Saharan Africa.
The Black Atlantic’s quest for reparationsThe transatlantic slave trade remains one of the most horrific crimes in human history. Between 1450 and 1888, European imperial powers (Britain, France, Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark) transported 12-15 million enslaved Africans across the Atlantic. This coerced labour force was instrumental to the West’s industrialisation, which was sustained by Europe’s colonial plunder of Africa’s natural resources.
India’s China strategy after Galwan: minilateral and multilateral soft balancing in the Indo-PacificDuring the night of 15–16 June 2020, in the Galwan Valley on the disputed frontier between India and China, Indian troops engaged in hand-to-hand combat with soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Both sides incurred casualties. New Delhi later acknowledged that twenty of its soldiers died, while Beijing conceded that four perished on its side. In the aftermath of the clash, India and China came closer to war than they had been for half a century. Over the next 18 months, as both countries deployed large forces into the border areas, further skirmishes took place along the disputed Line of Actual Control (LAC), including incidents in which shots were fired.
Generalized DelegationWe provide a general sufficient theorem to solve the delegation problem with and without money burning. For interval allocations, our main theorem relaxes the conditions obtained in previous literature. Significantly, our theorem extends beyond this, successfully addressing cases with discontinuous allocations. We demonstrate the theorem’s power through examples, connecting with existing results and uncovering novel optimal allocation structures.
The Effect of Foreign Intervention on Domestic Politics in SomaliaThis research attempts to answer the question, "What is the long-term impact of international intervention on the political stability of post-conflict countries?" Somalia is used as a case study, and it is expected that the findings can be generalized to other post-conflict countries. This is a critical issue in the international relations and foreign policy fields; the 1990s alone saw an enormous increase in international intervention in post-conflict countries. Intervention began in Somalia with a humanitarian mission but soon transformed into nation-building and peace-enforcement operations. These operations were massive: 30 countries were involved at some point, and there were significant material and personnel costs. Intervention did not cease after the US-UN mission ended in 1995, but instead took on a new face with the involvement of neighboring countries such as Ethiopia and Kenya. Oftentimes the justifications for intervention, as well as the successes and failures of the missions, are tied to the intervening countries' interests, or the interests of the international organizations involved, and are thus far removed from the welfare of the intervened-upon country. Given the prevalence and wide range of these operations, it is of utmost importance to understand their long-term effects. The world has not reached a consensus on the value of such interventions, and they are likely to continue in the foreseeable future. An understanding of their long-term effects can be used to shape future policy and increase the efficacy of intervention operations.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor: the Politics of DevelopmentThis article critically assesses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), once seen as a flagship of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and its failure to deliver on its ambitious promises in Pakistan. Instead of driving economic growth and cohesion, the CPEC exposed deep governance challenges – marked by institutional fragility, lack of elite consensus, and military dominance in policymaking. Strategic and security imperatives often outweighed economic rationale, resulting in a non-transparent process that sidelined parliament and marginalized provincial actors. Projects were selected based on political expediency rather than viability, leading to inefficiencies and delays. The CPEC also re-centralized power, weakening provincial autonomy and intensifying center-periphery tensions, particularly in Balochistan. In Gwadar, local communities saw disruption without benefit, fueling political discontent. Investor confidence waned amid an uneven playing field and the failure of Special Economic Zones to take shape. Far from transformative, the CPEC reinforced narrow elite interests, worsened federal strains, and deepened Pakistan’s economic and institutional uncertainties.
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The consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war
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researchBeleaguered Opposition Politics in Southern Africa
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Uneven and combined desires: A psychological rethinking of societal multiplicity in world politicsThis article contributes to the growing body of scholarship which claims the notion of societal multiplicity offers both a foundational ontology and novel theoretical approach to the discipline of International Relations (IR). By focusing on its unheeded psychological dimension, I offer a critique of societal multiplicity with the aim of contributing to theory development. The central contention of this article is that, despite several compelling articulations of societal multiplicity in IR since its original formulation, the notion has not yet satisfactorily accounted for the hierarchical nature of societal co-existence in world politics, in particular with regards to its psychological dimension. I explore the analytical purchase of combining the theory of Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD), understood as the core mechanism of societal multiplicity, driving interaction between and across multiple societies, with an added focus on the psychological effects of the overarching presence of Western modernity as the main civilisational referent of progress and development in world politics. I empirically illustrate the article’s theoretical argument through the historical analysis of Brazil under the administration of Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022), as a compelling example of the uneven and combined desire to emulate the Western other.
The Failure of Peacebuilding in Somalia: The 'Myth' of the Nation-StateThere is a growing consensus in International Relations that the sovereign nation state, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, is a ‘myth’ because of the several nations that can be found within one sovereign entity, made so by the Berlin conference of 1885 that partitioned Africa. Regardless of this consensus, international peacebuilding theory and practice is biased towards maintaining these sovereign arrangements. Through a decolonial lens, peacebuilding in Somalia is explored as an example of how these biases affect peace in a multiethnic, multiclan, and diverse society.