RESEARCH
Land sovereignty in depressed and contested agro-territories: The cases of Portugal and BrazilThis article offers an exploratory operationalisation of the concept of land sovereignty applied to land politics in 2 agro-territories from different countries and continents sharing a common language and deeply linked histories: Portugal and Brazil. These display a similar model of agricultural development, representing a contradiction between the promise of profit based on aggressive exploitation of the territory and the marginalised condition of its population. How this agricultural model took hold in each country and manifested the agrarian question differs according to key socio-historical factors, such as the role of each in the colonial history that links them. Today, however, these agro-territories face similar challenges: human rights abuses, environmental destruction, lack of sound territorial management and fair policies, coupled with the dilapidation of socio-economic infrastructures. This makes them especially vulnerable to climate change, unemployment and poverty, while also caught in a clash between development models: a hegemonic hyper-intensive production model and the peasant-based model that has been resisting the advances of the former. This double jeopardy has prompted us to speak of ‘depressed and contested agro-territories’. Our study shows how, in the case of Brazil, despite physical violence and threats to life, social movements are propelling land reform, linking it to the concept of the social function of land. In Portugal, in contrast, the country’s alignment with neoliberal development has civil society divided about how to contest land use. Our analysis indicates that in both cases: (i) today’s land politics are heavily biased towards a neoliberal, export-based, hyper-intensive agriculture controlled by large corporations, with weak legislation in place to defend both social and environmental rights; (ii) land reform based on land sovereignty and the social function of land is deemed crucial to assist agro-territories in regaining socio-ecological balance and to attain democratisation of land politics by regaining control over land, natural resources and local markets.Lanka Horstink
Sovereignty Under Siege: International Law, the Use of Force, and the Caracas Operation of 2026On January 3, 2026, United States special operations forces conducted Operation Absolute Resolve, seizing Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro from Fort Tiuna in Caracas and transporting him to New York to face narco-terrorism charges. This paper examines the profound implications of this operation for international law, state sovereignty, and the normative foundations of the post-1945 international order. Drawing upon the UN Charter's prohibition on the use of force (Article 2(4)), the doctrine of head-of-state immunity, and the precedent established by the 1989 capture of Manuel Noriega, this analysis interrogates the legal justifications offered by the Trump administration and assesses their viability under established international legal frameworks. The paper argues that while existing mechanisms for accountability—including the International Criminal Court—have proven inadequate for addressing crimes by sitting heads of state, unilateral military action to enforce domestic criminal charges represents a dangerous precedent that threatens the foundational principles of sovereign equality. The accountability-sovereignty dilemma exposed by the Caracas operation demands innovative multilateral solutions rather than the reassertion of great power prerogatives. This analysis concludes with policy recommendations for strengthening international accountability mechanisms while preserving the legal architecture that has maintained relative stability since World War II.Naim Tahir Baig
Sovereignty vs. Intervention: Re-examining International Law after the 2026 United States Intervention in VenezuelaThis study critically examines the tension between state sovereignty and external intervention through the lens of the 2026 United States intervention in Venezuela, situating the event within the broader framework of contemporary international law. Traditionally, sovereignty has functioned as a foundational principle safeguarding territorial integrity and political independence, reinforced by the prohibition on the use of force under the United Nations Charter. However, evolving global challenges—including humanitarian crises, transnational threats, and contested governance—have increasingly tested the rigidity of this norm. The 2026 intervention presents a complex case in which legal justifications, including counter-narcotics operations, democratic restoration, and humanitarian considerations, intersect with geopolitical interests. This paper evaluates the legality of the intervention by analyzing its alignment with established exceptions such as self-defense and Security Council authorization, while also interrogating emerging doctrines like the Responsibility to Protect. It further explores the implications of unilateral action for the credibility and consistency of international law, highlighting concerns over selective enforcement and precedent-setting behavior by powerful states. Ultimately, the study argues that the incident underscores an urgent need to recalibrate international legal frameworks to better reconcile sovereignty with evolving norms of intervention, ensuring both the protection of state integrity and the promotion of global stability and human rights.Mark Graham
Digital Sovereignty In Algeria: An Analytical Study On Knowledge, Innovation And AI IndexesThis study aims to explore the opportunities and challenges of ensuring Algeria's transition from successful traditional sovereignty to guaranteeing digital sovereignty, using scientific indexes and the experience of China as a global model in the era of digital transformation. To achieve this, we adopted an analytical methodology focused on several global indicators related to digital transformation over the past eight years (2017-2024). These include the Global Knowledge Index, the Global Innovation Index, and the Artificial Intelligence Index. In addition to these digital inputs, our study also incorporated economic and legislative inputs, such as gross domestic product (GDP), the percentage of GDP spending on research and development, and legislative policies. Given Algeria's ambition to position itself as an emerging knowledge-based economy, we have drawn on evidence from China as a successful global model. The results of the study found that Algeria has the necessary capabilities that enable it to enhance its digital, economic and legislative inputs, and that the criterion for its success in ensuring digital sovereignty is reflected by improving its global ranking in global indicators related to digital transformation, especially infrastructure, research and development, advertising and communication technologies, digital environment, and legislative policy.Kada Afia
The 2026 National Defense Strategy by the Numbers. Radical Changes, Moderate Changes, and Some ContinuitiesThe Trump administration presents its new National Defense Strategy (NDS) as a break from previous strategies, including that of the first Trump administration. Out are Russia, Europe, and climate change. In are hemispheric security, “warrior ethos,” and burden shifting. Many changes are indeed substantial, even radical, and reportedly received pushback from military leaders during the drafting process. Others, however, may not be as significant as they first appear, and there is some continuity with previous strategy documents. The document also constitutes a different reading experience, departing from the analytic tone of previous strategy documents and often adopting the tone of a political rally.Mark F. Cancian
Bargaining for Equity at MSVU: From Performativity to TransformationIn this paper, we reflect on our experiences in the Mount Saint Vincent University Faculty Association and our efforts to prioritize decolonizing, indigenizing, and Equity, Diversity, Inclusion, and Accessibility (EDIA) in the collective bargaining process. We examine the performative nature of EDIA efforts in negotiations by university administrators and the Board of Governors, outlining our employer’s active resistance to proposals pertaining to EDIA, their lack of explicit Indigenous and EDIA expertise on their bargaining team, their sidelining and exclusion of university Indigenous and EDIA experts, as well as the absence of transparency and accountability in decision-making. We suggest that three actions — strengthening internal and external solidarity, democratizing governance, and pursuing legislative reform — offer a pathway to rethinking equity-based bargaining, challenging the instrumentalization of EDIA, and achieving genuine structural change.Tammy Findlay
The Practice of Archipelagic States: A Study of StudiesIn 2014, as part of its Limits in the Seas series, the U.S. Department of State published studies assessing the maritime claims of the following 16 states: Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas, Cabo Verde, Comoros, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Indonesia, Mauritius, Papua New Guinea, the Philippines, Seychelles, the Solomon Islands, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu.1 As each study notes at the outset, its “purpose” is to “examine a coastal State’s maritime claims and . . . assess their consistency with international law,” according to the views of the U.S. government. These studies complement the Department of State’s previously published Limits in the Seas studies, including those assessing the maritime claims of Fiji, Jamaica, Maldives, and S˜ao Tom´e and Pr´ıncipe. Collectively, these 20 studies cover all claimed archipelagic states that have promulgated archipelagic baselines enclosing some or all of their islands. This article describes the findings of these studies and assesses the degree to which those states claiming archipelagic status under the law of the sea have conformed to the requirements of international law in promulgating their maritime claims.Brian Melchior