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18.08.2026 19:02
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Chiefly Leadership in Fiji: Past, Present, and FutureFiji’s traditional chiefly leaders once occupied the most prominent political roles in both national and regional politics. Historically, chiefly political authority was consolidated under the British colonial regime and carried forward into the period of independence from 1970. But the last quarter century has seen a significant decline of chiefly influence, perhaps part of a broader trend in the Pacific islands where traditional authority is being undermined by demographic and other changes, contributing in turn to increased social and political instability (Heartfield 2009:126). In Fiji, the decline began with the first military coup in 1987, continuing through to the present, albeit with some periods of enhanced status for the paramount symbol of traditionalism in Fiji, the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC), sometimes known by its Fijian language name, the Bose Levu Vakaturaga. The GCC, however, was abolished by decree under the military regime of Commodore Josaia Voreque (Frank) Bainimarama in March 2012. The September 2014 elections held prospects for the restoration of chiefly authority and status, and the role of traditionalism, through the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) led by the Roko Tui Dreketi, Ro Teimumu Vuikaba Kepa. A victory by SODELPA would also have seen the restoration of the GCC. With SODELPA’s resounding defeat by Bainimarama’s FijiFirst Party, such prospects have received a significant blow. This Discussion Paper provides an account of the rise and fall of chiefly leadership and the apparent ebbing of a longstanding ideology of traditionalism among indigenous Fijians in the context of national politics and of the claims made in the name of indigenous nationalism. It begins with a brief survey of Fiji’s colonisation in the late nineteenth century; the establishment of the GCC and the role of chiefs in the British colonial regime;
RESEARCH
29.08.2026 10:49
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The politics of CPEC: the impact of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor on Pakistan’s federal systemThe China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is often portrayed as the flagship project of the new economic and political architecture envisaged by China as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). With official figures suggesting a $62 billion CPEC-related investment, the economic corridor has dominated Pakistan’s domestic and international politics since its launch in 2015. While a great deal of attention has been devoted to the regional geopolitical repercussions of CPEC, the contours of CPEC’s impact on Pakistan’s federal system and interprovincial relations have not yet been explored. This is surprising since the conceptualisation of CPEC, and the manner in which its multiple projects are being implemented (or not) within Pakistan, has re-awakened grievances surrounding federalism and the location of power within Pakistan. This is because concerns have been raised about whether Pakistan’s poorest provinces (Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the ‘semi’ province of Gilgit-Baltistan) will reap the benefits from China’s investment or whether these benefits will be enjoyed mainly by the Punjab. In this context, this paper seeks to answer one key question: has CPEC strengthened or weakened the provinces vis-a-vis the federal government? Organised around interviews conducted in 2015, 2018 and 2019, the analysis demonstrates how the construction of the economic corridor is acting as a centripetal force in Pakistan’s federal structure, despite the potential for such a large level of external investment to redress the disparities between provinces. Against such backdrop, the paper assesses the implementation of the early-harvest projects in three key CPEC-related areas: transport, energy and the development of the port of Gwadar.
18.08.2026 19:02
research
Chiefly Leadership in Fiji: Past, Present, and FutureFiji’s traditional chiefly leaders once occupied the most prominent political roles in both national and regional politics. Historically, chiefly political authority was consolidated under the British colonial regime and carried forward into the period of independence from 1970. But the last quarter century has seen a significant decline of chiefly influence, perhaps part of a broader trend in the Pacific islands where traditional authority is being undermined by demographic and other changes, contributing in turn to increased social and political instability (Heartfield 2009:126). In Fiji, the decline began with the first military coup in 1987, continuing through to the present, albeit with some periods of enhanced status for the paramount symbol of traditionalism in Fiji, the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC), sometimes known by its Fijian language name, the Bose Levu Vakaturaga. The GCC, however, was abolished by decree under the military regime of Commodore Josaia Voreque (Frank) Bainimarama in March 2012. The September 2014 elections held prospects for the restoration of chiefly authority and status, and the role of traditionalism, through the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) led by the Roko Tui Dreketi, Ro Teimumu Vuikaba Kepa. A victory by SODELPA would also have seen the restoration of the GCC. With SODELPA’s resounding defeat by Bainimarama’s FijiFirst Party, such prospects have received a significant blow. This Discussion Paper provides an account of the rise and fall of chiefly leadership and the apparent ebbing of a longstanding ideology of traditionalism among indigenous Fijians in the context of national politics and of the claims made in the name of indigenous nationalism. It begins with a brief survey of Fiji’s colonisation in the late nineteenth century; the establishment of the GCC and the role of chiefs in the British colonial regime;
05.08.2026 08:29
research
Disputed Sovereignty in the Falkland Islands: The Argentina-Great Britain Conflict of 1982The Colony of the Falkland Islands and Dependencies lies in the South Atlantic Ocean three hundred miles east of the southern tip of South America. The Falkland Islands themselves consist of East Falkland and West Falkland, separated by the Falkland Sound, and an additional one hundred smaller islands. Although the Falklands are a British crown colony, sovereignty over them is also claimed by Argentina. This comment analyzes and evaluates the competing British and Argentine claims to the Falkland Islands and thereby attempts to determine the legality of actions taken by Argentina and Great Britain in the armed conflict between the two countries which occurred in 1982. When the events upon which a nation bases a claim to sovereignty over territory occurred over three hundred years ago, evidence of an acquisition of sovereignty is often scant. Yet, in the area of international law relating to claims of title to territory, nothing is more important than the history of events upon which each claimant founds its claims. Often, the success of a claim to sovereignty has turned upon the performance of an act which at first might have seemed innocuous. For this reason, the following account of the 1982 conflict and the historical background to the dispute over sovereignty in the South Atlantic are necessarily long and detailed. The dispute between Argentina and Great Britain and their respective claims to territorial sovereignty over the Falkland Islands dates back to the eighteenth century. It appeared to be a "rather abstract quarrel between the two nations, neither of which had a vital national interest at stake." Indeed, it seemed as though it was a dispute which was "neither important enough to resolve, nor unimportant enough to forget." However, this was to change drastically on April 2, 1982.
Watkins
Nicolas J. Watkins
https://www.un.org/en
https://www.unicef.org/
https://www.worldbank.org/ext/en/home
https://www.unesco.org/en
https://www.sipri.org/