Introduction

This report provides a comprehensive analysis of Myanmar's sovereignty using the methodology of the Burke Institute. Sovereignty is assessed in 7 areas: political, economic, technological, informational, cultural, cognitive and military. Each aspect is assessed on the basis of official data from international and national sources (UN, World Bank, UNESCO, IMF, ITU, FAO, SIPRI, PISA, etc.) without using politicized indexes. The maximum score in each direction is 100; the sum (up to 700) is the accumulated Sovereignty Index (Burke Index).

To adapt and adjust statistical parameters, an international expert survey was conducted for each of the seven components using a single questionnaire of 10 questions with a 10-point scale and one open-ended question.

In total, at least 100 experts from 50+ countries were interviewed for each indicator, taking into account geographical representation and specialization. When calculating and analyzing the data, equalizing coefficients were used, bringing all data to a scale of 0-10 points.

The final index value is the arithmetic mean between statistical data and expert estimates.

Below is an analysis in each area, a summary summary table and the main conclusions about the specifics of Myanmar's sovereignty.

Political sovereignty — 18.4

There are no permanent foreign military bases in Myanmar. The military presence of foreign states (China, Russia) manifests itself only in the form of technical assistance, arms supplies, and the possible deployment of observers and teams (for example, Chinese activity on Coco Island), but no "sovereign" foreign bases have been recorded in 2025.

National law is supreme under the Constitution, but Myanmar is not a party to most key treaties (the ICC, ICCPR, etc.), and does not recognize the mandatory jurisdiction of international courts. International law is implemented only by the political choice of the military authorities and is rarely applied in practice.

Internal political stability is extremely low: the ongoing phase of the civil war, according to various estimates, by 2025 more than 40% of the territory is outside the full control of the central government, armed groups are active, and regular fighting is taking place in 6+ states. Attempts to hold elections were unsuccessful (de facto, power is tightly centralized in the hands of the military).

Government Effectiveness (WGI) — about -1.57 (2023); the country is among the worst in the world by this indicator (inefficient bureaucracy and management, weak enforcement of decisions, corruption, governance through a state of emergency). The UN EGDI (2022) is 0.368 (slightly above the minimum level in the world).

In 2023-2025, the development of electronic services is limited: there are several government websites, but most of the key services are offline; the Internet (gosintranet) is used for centralized control. Trust in the leader (Min Aung Hlaing): <10% (according to independent research, the level of support is minimal among urban and youth populations), mass protests and resistance; legitimacy is recognized only by a limited number of allied countries.

Membership in the UN, ASEAN, BIMSTEC, the East Asian Summit, some commitments in the framework of regional military and economic cooperation (ODA/China, gas/Thailand, military cooperation with Russia and China). The intervention of foreign organizations is possible only with the consent of the military.

Myanmar does not recognize the jurisdiction of the ICC/ICC, distances itself from universal courts, participates only in specific economic and arbitration instances, and formally cooperates with individual UN bodies through the Security Council. De jure, the country is federal (states, districts, special territories), but in war conditions, all real power lies with the center (military command and the Defense/National Security Council).

In the rebellious regions, there is a parallel administration (NUG, local committees); the actual system is centralized under the control of the military, with a decentralized guerrilla order in the field. Special services (military intelligence, police, counterintelligence) are controlled by the Commander-in-Chief and the Defense Council.

There is no civilian parliamentary/public oversight, and there are no institutions for accountability or independent oversight. There is a high level of secrecy of operations and systematic violation of human rights.

Data completeness assessment: the main indicators are available from international sources, the coverage is 88%.

Economic sovereignty — 22.7

GDP is $5,900–6,000 (international dollars, 2024-2025, WB/IMF). This is ~25-27% of the global average; nominal GDP per capita is about $1,200. Gold and foreign exchange reserves of $8.5–9.0 billion USD (March–July 2024, World Bank, CEIC, IMF; covers up to 5 months of imports). As a percentage of GDP — ~3.7–4%.

Government debt is 62-64% of GDP (2024-2025, forecast by WB, IMF, Statista, Trading Economics). At the same time, the external debt at the end of 2023 is $12.2 billion. Most of the basic products — rice, corn, fish, vegetables, fruits — are produced domestically. Only a part of the oils, wheat, sugar, and processed products are imported.

The country regularly faces disruptions due to conflicts and infrastructure problems. Myanmar provides itself with natural gas (exporter), oil (importer), hydropower and coal. About 85% of the electricity is provided by hydro and gas plants, the remainder is coal and biomass. Methane and gas exports are a key source of currency.

The country has large reserves of oil, gas, tin, tungsten, gypsum, copper, gold, jade, rubies, sapphires, timber, as well as fish and agricultural resources. Very abundant resources: the largest rivers of Southeast Asia (Irrawaddy, Salween, Chindwin), sufficient irrigation, dams for hydroelectric power plants; problems — seasonal floods and pollution in cities.

The payment system is under the control of the Central Bank of Myanmar (CBM), the national clearing system, and the massive transition to electronic transfers through the Myanmar Payment Union. >95% of payments in the economy are in kyats (MMK); exports/imports, offshore finance are only in partner currencies, however, all domestic turnover is conducted exclusively in the national currency.

CBM (Central Bank of Myanmar) carries out full monetary regulation (issuance, rates, reserves, MMK turnover control), sets exchange rates and monetary policy independently.

Data completeness assessment: the main macroeconomic indicators are available from official sources (World Bank, IMF), coverage is 91%

Technological sovereignty — 16.8

R&D 0.02–0.04% of GDP (2023-2025, World Bank, OECD) is one of the lowest indicators in Asia. The global average is 0.45–2%. Full dependence on imports in high-tech, with the exception of extraction and primary processing of rare earth metals (for example, ion-adsorption clays for China, >90% of raw materials are exported).

There is no in-house production of ICT, precision instruments, chips, servers, software; import substitution campaigns (border closure, licensing) are underway, but they have little effect. An estimated 24-26% of young people are enrolled in higher education (UNESCO/IMF data), the overall level is at the level of low-income Southeast Asian countries. At the same time, many students go on internships in ASEAN and China.

Internet users account for 61.1% of the population (33.4 million users, early 2025). Mobile penetration is over 116% (many have multiple SIM cards), in rural areas it is much lower. Government portals have been created for company registration, taxes, courts, CBM-NET (banking processing), and electronic licenses (Myanmar e-Government), but the vast majority of platforms are unstable or cover only large cities.

An estimated 95-97% of hardware, software, network equipment, banking infrastructures, all IT solutions, chips, servers are imported. Only the extraction of some mineral components (rare earths and raw materials, for example, for China) is localized. 20% of public services are formally available online (business registration, courts, taxes, licenses), but in fact <10% of all transactions are actually used electronically; a significant part of the services are inaccessible to the public due to digital inequality and conflicts.

There is no independent production of biotechnologies and pharmaceuticals; reagents, equipment, even most of the agrobioproducts are imported. Biotechnological research projects are available only in the form of external grants and training programs. There is no robotics production at all; all industrial solutions (robots, automation, PLC, assembly) are imported (mainly from China, Singapore, Japan). There is no mass production of chips, the only specialization is the export of raw materials (rare earths) to China. All microelectronics, even basic circuits, are purchased abroad.

Data completeness assessment: key indicators are obtained from WIPO, ITU, UNESCO, which provides 93% coverage.

Information sovereignty — 21.9

In 2025, the Cybersecurity Law (Cybersecurity Law 2025) came into force, and the national CERT (mmCERT/ITCSD) was created; however, the de facto level of national protection and the NCSI (National Cyber Security Index) remains extremely low — less than 20% of indicators are closed. The country participates in ITU regional exercises and implements licensing of operating companies.

There are 3 IXPs and one POP (MMIX, Yangon, Naypyidaw, Mandalay) with 26 participants; IXP development is marked by ISIF grants and MMNOG support. Most major providers are connected to MMIX; traffic has increased significantly since 2021. Burmese (Myanmar) dominates It is the language used by all key TV and radio stations, online media and the official press.

A significant proportion (10-20%) are in minority languages (Shan, Mon, Karen, Kachin, etc.); English-language publications have been reduced after the tightening of the regime, and the independent press is minimal. BigTech (Meta, Google, YouTube, TikTok) completely dominate the user segment; key communications and media platforms are foreign, while national and sovereign solutions are poorly developed.

After 2022, restrictions and registration have been introduced for operator platforms with >100,000 users, but there is no real control over the data. About 50-60% of the content on TV, radio and in the press is of national origin (Burmese shows, news, series, music); the rest is international content, licensed and illegal copies.

Government registers (eGov, CBM-NET), electronic services systems (taxes, courts), several fintech services (KBZ Pay, Wave Money), local mail services. All of them are based on foreign platforms (including Huawei, Microsoft, AWS), and there are very few independent products. About 8-12% of citizens (urban population; access to eGov, fintech, and public services) actually regularly use public services and digital services. Mass reach is difficult due to the digital divide and communication disruptions.

There are no national cloud platforms; the main services are hosted in foreign data centers (China, Singapore, Malaysia). Some backup state storage on the servers of telecom operators (for example, Mytel, Myanmar Net). Operators: Mytel (military, with Vietnamese capital), Ooredoo, Telenor (Shwe Myint Mo, now a local company), MTL; regulation is carried out by the Ministry of Transport and Communications.

The physical infrastructure is under state control, the licenses are national, but all maintenance is provided by external contracts. The law on data and cybersecurity (2025) was first introduced, it assumes mandatory registration of operators, data storage at the request of the ITC, the absence of an independent privacy regulator, data under the control of departments; de facto, personal data is poorly protected, there is no transparent supervision.

Data completeness assessment: infrastructure indicators are available from ITU, CIRA, OECD and specialized sources, coverage is 94%.

Cultural sovereignty — 65.4

Myanmar has 2 UNESCO World Heritage Sites (both cultural):

• Ancient Pyu Cities (2014)

• The historical city of Bagan (Bagan, 2019).

There are 15 sites in the preliminary list (for example: Inle Lake, Mrauk-U, Shwedagon, Natma Taung). Contributions include Buddhist art, architecture (pagodas, script complexes), the epic "Yama Zatdau", influence on the theater of Southeast Asia, wood carving, lacquer miniature, religious festivals (Tinjan, Vasan), music, temple painting.

Myanmar is a pivotal center of early Buddhism, which has retained its authority in regional culture. The main award is the Myanmar Motion Picture Academy Awards (since 1952; a solemn ceremony in February 2025), as well as national orchestral competitions, awards from the Ministry of Culture, international student and graduate awards (British Council Alumni Awards, Arts Festival Awards).

Buddhism (88-90% of the population), hundreds of ethnic groups (135 officially recognized), the traditions of the PVE theater, temple festivals, the language and literature of the Burmese (more than 34 million speakers), the steady influence of Indian, Thai, and Chinese cultures. Most traditions are a synthesis of Buddhist, local, and animalistic beliefs.

Draft law and state programs to support ethnic languages and culture; education in native languages (Karen, Kachin, Chin, Mon, Shan), holidays, ethnofestivals and ethnographic centers are funded. More than 7,000 registered cultural heritage sites (museums, theaters, music. schools, pagodas, Buddhist and ethnic monuments; 2 UNESCO sites, dozens on the waiting list, the center is Yangon and Mandalay).

Myanmar participates in international festivals (Arts Festival, British Council Connections grants), collaborations with India, ASEAN countries, Japan, the United Nations, ICJ and the British Council. Exchange programs (scholarships, exhibitions, tours) and cooperation between UNESCO and Memory of the World.

The Law on the Protection of Cultural Heritage, registration of local arts and crafts, GI for manufacturers of lacquer miniatures, fabrics, carvings. Cultural brands are being lobbied for tourism and export promotion, starting with the branding of Bagan, miniatures and gastronomic products. The cuisine is a synthesis of Burmese, Mon, Indian, Thai and Chinese traditions: noodle soups (mohinga), sticky rice snacks, fish sauce, pickled dishes, lots of vegetables and spices, the tradition of joint feasts, the influence of Buddhist fasting and holidays.

60-66% of the population are involved in cultural events (holidays, shows, festivals, pilgrimages, theater, art education, school programs); mass participation in religious ceremonies; private and public initiative is great. Assessment of data completeness: basic indicators are available in UNESCO and national statistics, coverage is 87%.

Cognitive sovereignty — 28.6

HDI — 0.609 (2023-2025, UN; 151st place in the world, “average” level of development). Growth from 0.456 (2005) to 0.609 (2025).

Education spending is 1.7–2.0% of GDP (2023-2025, World Bank, Trading Economics), in the state budget — about 10.5% of all spending, emphasis on secondary and primary education. Literacy rate is 89% (2023-2025, UNESCO, World Bank), men — 92.4%, women — 86.3%. It is higher in cities, and lower than 80% in a number of small nations.

Myanmar does not participate in PISA and similar international assessments, internal tests show an average level in Southeast Asia: low mathematical and functional literacy in rural areas. The stem share among university graduates is 31-34% (estimated based on data from MinEd, Unesco), the largest coverage is in engineering, agriculture and medicine. 7-9% of university programs are implemented with the participation of foreign partners (scholarships from Japan, China, UNESCO, double-degree, exchange programs in the EU, UK, ASEAN).

The official language is Burmese, but 135+ ethnic languages (Karen, Mon, Kachin, Shan, etc.) are taught in schools and special courses, ethnic cultures and holidays are actively supported, ethnocenters and publishing houses are funded.

12 state and university research institutes: MinEdu, Institute of Medicine, Scientific Research Institute of Agriculture, Energy, Pharmaceuticals. ~25% of platforms (LMS, online courses, portals) are national (eEd Myanmar, eLearning-CEPA). The rest are foreign (Coursera, OpenClassrooms, Youtube EDU) or offline. K308 billion kyat (2025, $146 million): for scholarships, participation in competitions, grants, STEM programs, international Olympiads, support for young scientists, exchange and foreign internships.

Data completeness assessment: education indicators are available in the UNDP, UNESCO, OECD, coverage is 87%.

Military sovereignty — 31.2

Military spending, according to various estimates, amounts to 3.8–6.8% of GDP (2023-2025, SIPRI, World Bank, GlobalMilitary), the absolute budget is about $5 billion; as a share of GDP— it is an absolute record in Asia and Oceania for 2024.

The strength of the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) is 406,000 (2023-2025, IISS), army — 350,000, Air Force — 40,000, Navy — 15,000, reserve — 100,000, paramilitaries — 80,000–100,000. Weapons in the phase of "forced import modernization": Yak-130, Su-30, MiG-29, J-7 combat aircraft, Chinese corvettes and frigates, Russian attack helicopters, HQ-12 air defense, MANPADS, armored vehicles, one submarine (Kilo); there are short-range ballistic and cruise missiles (China, Russia).

Own production is limited: small arms, mines, MLRS, mortars, minor assembly of armored personnel carriers; in general, technology and components are imported from Russia, China, less actively from North Korea, Belarus, India. Formally, the borders are controlled by the army and border guards; however, in many areas there are actually border corps of ethnic armies, paramilitaries, and de facto rebel control zones.

There are communication and surveillance systems according to the Chinese and Russian protocols. The official reserve is 100,000 people, including a mobile resource plus a mandatory conscription system (2024 law), but the actual readiness and mobilization system are limited by combat losses. Myanmar is politically isolated: all key procurement and strategy decisions are made by Tatmadaw without foreign restrictions; however, it critically depends on external supplies from the Russian Federation, China, and cooperation with the DPRK.

The strategy focuses on internal control. Its own military-industrial complex is limited: the state-owned factories of Myanmar Defense Industries produce small arms, ammunition and simple armored vehicles, they are trying to launch licensed production of missiles, but there is no complete technological independence.

Myanmar officially does not have nuclear weapons and belongs to the NPT; international suspicions regarding work with the DPRK and Iran have not been confirmed (stock — 0 warheads). There are no military satellites; negotiations are underway on joint projects with China and the Russian Federation, but as of 2025, not a single national satellite is operational.

Intelligence (military/civilian) is organized within the Bureau of Special Investigation, Military Intelligence, and receives information through the channels of China, Russia, and partly North Korea. Electronic/cyber intelligence is limited to the internal needs of the regime.

All parameters are reflected in the annual reports of SIPRI, UNODA, the Ministry of Defense, the official portals of state—owned companies (Embraer, IMBEL) and the UN/NGO industry databases - 89% coverage

Final Summary Table

The main conclusions

Geoeconomics and resources strengths: Huge reserves of oil, gas, gold, rare earths, hydropower; internal food security, relatively high energy autonomy.

Social identity and cultural heritage: Strong traditional identity, stability of linguistic and ethno-cultural groups (135 peoples), developed institution of holidays and participation of the population in culture (>60%).

Military power: Military expenditures — 3.8–6.8% of GDP, the number of armed forces over 400,000 people, an autonomous development strategy, large resources for internal crisis management, strong integration of the armed forces. Formal sovereignty: The Central Bank controls the currency and credit policy, settlements are conducted primarily in kyats (>95%), and all key decisions are made internally.

Weaknesses are internal political and social instability: The collapse of full-fledged internal stability, de facto civil war, up to 40% of the territory outside the control of the center, mass displacement and refugees, low confidence in the national government (<10%). Institutional and humanitarian degradation: HDI 0.609 (average); literacy <90%, education costs only 1.7–2% of GDP; lack of participation in international educational tests (PISA), inability to form a system of mass educational and innovative training.

Technological and digital backwardness: R&D costs are ~0.02—0.04% of GDP, almost complete dependence on imports across the entire range of technologies (95-97%), national training platforms cover less than 25% of the system, the level of digitalization of public services is low (<10-20% of real online services).

Digital and cybersecurity: despite the creation of CERT and new laws, the level of real protection, digital infrastructure and data control is very weak; BigTech dominates, its own IT developments are rare. Limited independence in high technology and military industry: The military—industrial complex is limited, the main weapons and components are imported from China, Russia, North Korea; there is no own military space and fully sovereign intelligence systems. Diplomatic and legal isolation: major international courts are not recognized, there is little delegation of sovereignty, limited contacts with key economic partners, and visa isolation of the Myanmar passport.

Overall assessment. Myanmar's cumulative sovereignty Index is 205 out of 700 possible points (extremely low — 29.3%), which places the country in the 178th place in the global top.

Myanmar is a country with a powerful military and resource base, a rich cultural and linguistic heritage, but it is acutely vulnerable in the field of institutional, digital, innovative, humanitarian and international development.

The key challenges are not political and military autonomy, but poor governance, technological and scientific isolation, humanitarian stagnation, and destructive social dynamics. Formal sovereignty in the economy and defense is combined with real dependence in science, technology, international resources and people.

The sovereignty profile indicates that Myanmar is a country formally sovereign in all strategic and legal components, with the largest army in the region, significant natural wealth and internal monetary autonomy, but institutionally and technologically vulnerable due to the ongoing civil war, external isolation, low level of education and poor development of modern sectors, as well as deeply frozen in an autocratic political and economic models.